Pukhtoon History

TRIBES: The famous Pukhtoon tribes, to mention a few, are Yousafzais of Bajaur and Malakand Agencies, Afridis of Khyber Agency, Kohat and Peshawar, Mohmands of Mohmand Agency, Orakzais of Orakzai Agency, Turis and Bangash of Kurram Agency, Waziris of North Waziristan Agency, Mahsuds and Urmars of South Waziristan Agency, and Bhittanis and Sheranis attached to Tank and D.I. Khan Districts . The Khattak tribe of the well known warrior-poet Khushal Khan Khattak is also one of the well known tribes of Peshawar and Kohat border. There are other smaller tribe such as Shinwaris, Mohammad Zai, Mullagoris, Shilmanis, Safis, Zaimukht, Muqbil, Mangal, Zadran, Para Chamkani, Kharoti, Jadoon and Daur etc.

ORIGIN OF THE PATHANS  ETHNOLOGY: 
Different hypotheses have been suggested about the origin of the Pukhtoons. Khawaja Niamatullah describes them as descendants of Jews, connecting them with the lost ten tribes of Israel. This theory of the Semitic origin of the Pukhtoons has been supported by some Pukhtoon writers, including Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Afzal Khan Khattak and Qazi Attaullah Khan. A number of orientalists like H.W. Bellew, Sir William Jones and Major Raverty have also subscribed to this view on the basis of Pukhtoon physiogonomy, and the striking resemblance of facial features between Pukhtoons and Jews. They believe that the prevalence of biblical names, certain customs and superstitions, especially smearing of the door post and walls of the house with blood of sacrificial animals, further substantiates this theory. But these presumptions do not hold good in view of the fact that resemblance in features and certain characteristics do not provide a scientific criterion for the ethnology of a race or a section of people. This can equally be said about the Kashmiris and certain other tribes who can hardly be distinguished from Pukhtoons in physique, colour and complexion. Similarly a scrutiny of the social institutions of the Arabs of the Middle Ages and present day Pukhtoons would lead one to believe that Pukhtoons are not different from them in their social organisation.

Syed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kaka Khel in his well written book "PUKHTANA" and Sir Olaf Caroe in his book "The Pathans" place little reliance on Niamatullah's theory of the Semitic origin of the Pukhtoons and say that his account of the Pukhtoons suffers from historical inaccuracies. To disprove the assertion that the Pukhtoon tribes had embraced Islam en-bloc after the return of Qais Abdul Rashid from Medina, the accounts of Al-Beruni and Al-Utbi, the contemporary historians of Mahmud of Ghazna, establish "that four centuries later than the time of Qais the Province of Kabul had not been Islamized and this was achieved under the Ghaznavides. The Hindu Shahiya Kingdom of Jaipal extended almost to Kabul, Mahmud had to fight against infidel Afghans of the Sulaiman mountains". Even Prithvi Raj had a cavalry of Afghans in the battle of Tarian against Mohammad Ghori. Other writers, after a careful examination of the physical anthropology of the Pukhtoons say that difference in features of the various Pukhtoons point to the fact that they must have "mingled with races who passed through their territory to conquer Hindustan".

Khawaja Niamatullah's theory has further been put to a serious test by prominent linguists who maintain that Pushto bears no resemblance to Hebrew or other Aramaic languages and the Pukhtoons' language, Pashto, belongs to the family of the Eastern group of Iranian languages. Mr. Ahmad Ali Kohzad and some other Afghan historians, lending support to the Aryan origin of the Pukhtoons, say that the Pakhat of the Rig Veda are the Pukhtoons of today. It is a fact that the North West Frontier of Pakistan has, perhaps been involved with more foreign invasions in the course of history than any other country of Asia. Each horde seems to have left its mark on the Pukhtoons who absorbed the traits of invading forces, "predominantly of Turks, Iranians and Mongols".

According to Khawaja Niamatullah the Pukhtoons embraced Islam in the first quarter of the 7th century when the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) sent his emissaries in all directions to invite the people to the fold of Islam. One such messenger is stated to have been sent to Qais Abdur Rashid, who is claimed to be the ancestor of the Pukhtoons, through Khalid bin Walid. In response to Khalid's invitation, Qais hurried to the Holy land and as a result of the sublime teachings of the Holy Prophet (Peace be upon him) embraced Islam in Medina. After his return to Ghore, his whole tribe followed him in the Muslim faith. But due to weak evidence, missing links and wide gaps this theory has aroused suspicion in the minds of scholars.

If the origin of a race can be determined on the basis of customs and traditions then Pukhtoon would be closer to Arabs. The study of Arabian and Pukhtoon society presents a remarkable resemblance particularly in their tribal organisation and social usages. Both possess the same virtues and characteristics. To both hospitality is one of the finest virtues, retribution a sacred duty and bravery an essential pre-requisite for an honourable life. Love of independence, courage, endurance, hospitality and revenge were the supreme virtues of pre-Islamic Arabs. These very attributes also form the basis of the Pukhtoon code of honour and anyone who repudiates them is looked down by the society. A Pukhtoon is nearer to an Arab in his tribal organisation. Like an Arab tent, every Pukhtoon's house represents a family, an encampment of Arab tents forms a hay and a cluster of a few houses constitute a village in tribal areas. Members of one hay form a clan in Arabia and a Khel (which is an Arabic word meaning association or company) is the basis of the Pukhtoon's tribal organisation. A number of kindred clans grouped together make a qabila in Arabia and a tribe in the Pukhtoon borderland. Even the Pashto script resembles the Arabic script in essence. The Arabs held in great esteem four moral virtues, viz Ziyafah or hospitality hamasah or fortitude, muruah or manliness and courage and ird or honour.

The Pathans are brave, courageous, hospitable and generous and these attributes are considered as pillars of the Pukhtoon code of honour or Pukhtoonwali. The Pathans like the Arabs also believe in fire and sword for all their adversaries. This was the reason that they fought tooth and nail against the non-Muslim rulers of the sub-continent whether Sikhs or Feringi as the Britishers were called.

The position of a tribal Malik who plays an important role in tribal politics is similar to that of an Arabian Sheikh. The qualifications of a tribal Malik, such as seniority in age, qualities of head and heart and character as courage, wisdom and sagacity etc. are not different from an Arab Sheikh. Like a Sheikh, a tribal Malik follows the consensus of opinion. He is required to consult the heads of the families or village council while making any decision with regard to future relations with a village or tribe. Darun Nadwa was the centre of activity of the pre-Islamic Arabs and the Pukhtoons' Hujra is also not different from it in its functions. All matters relating to war, peace, future relations with neighbouring tribes and day to day problems used to be discussed in Darun Nadwa. Similarly, all tribal affairs connected with the tribe are discussed in the Hujra.

Hospitality is one of the sublime features of the Pukhtoons and pre-Islamic Arabs were also renowned for their hospitality and for affording asylum to strangers. They would share the last crumb of their bread with a guest and protect him from all harm so long as he was under their roof. Similarly, Pukhtoons regard hospitality as a "sacred duty and safety of the guest as inviolable". It is a serious violation of their established norms to hurt a man who enters their village as a guest. In the pre-independence days they provided asylum to all and sundry, including the proclaimed offenders wanted by the British Government in cases of a criminal nature in the settled districts. Similarly the Arabs the right of asylum considered sacred and was rigidly respected regardless of the crime of the refugee.

The spirit of revenge of the Pukhtoons is not different from that of the Arabs. Blood according to the law of the desert called for blood and no chastisement could satisfy an Arab other than wreaking vengeance on his enemy. Similarly, the hills of the Pukhtoon highlanders vibrate with echoes of retribution till the insult is avenged. As a matter of fact, the society of both the Arabs and the Pukhtoons is inspired by a strong feeling of muruwwa, virility or a quality to defend one's honour (ird). There are several anecdotes of revenge resulting in long blood feuds for generations. The Basus war between Banu Bakr and Banu Taghlib in Arabia lasted for about 40 years whereas tribal disputes between Gar and Samil factions of the Pukhtoons continued for decades. Pukhtoons like Arabs are conscious of their racial superiority. An Arab would boast of being a Quraish and a Pukhtoon would assert his superiority by saying, Am I not a Pukhtoon"?

The customs regarding giving protection to weaker neighbours is also common between Arabs and Pukhtoons. A weaker tribe in Arabia would seek the protection of a powerful tribe by means of Khuwah and a weaker Pukhtoon tribe would ensure its security by offering "Lokhay" to its strong neighbouring tribe. The custom of "Lokhay Warkawal" is still prevalent among Afridi and Orakzai tribes of Tirah. A similarity can also be found in their customs relating to birth, marriage and death etc. Certain superstitions are also common between the Arabs and the Pukhtoons. Both believe in all kinds of invisible beings, wear amulets as a safeguard against the evil eye and believe in sooth sayers and fortune tellers.

STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM:

When Sindh and Multan were conquered by the Muslim army under the inspiring leadership of the young General Mohammad bin Qasim, in 711 A.D. this part of the South Asian Sub-Continent was still ruled by a Hindu Shahi dynasty. Subaktagin was the first Muslim ruler who crossed swords with Jaipal, a powerful ruler of the Hindu Shahi dynasty in 997. Later, the Muslims under the command of his illustrious son Mahmud of Ghazna invaded the sub-continent as many as seventeen times and fought fierce battles against Jaipal, his son Anandpal and other Hindu rulers and Rajas of Northern India. He was followed by Shahabud Din Mohammad Ghori, Qutb-ud-Din Aibak and other sultans and finally the great Mughals who ruled the sub-continent for centuries. Things, however, began to change after the death of Aurangzeb Alamgir, the last powerful ruler of the Mughal dynasty. The internal disputes, court intrigues and feuds of rival factions weakened the Mughal Central Government and the centrifugal tendencies of the Mughal Governors sounded the death knell of the mighty Mughal Empire.

The way was thus paved for the rise of Ranjit Singh, who eventually extended his military sway from Lahore upto the foothills of Khyber in the first quarter of the 19th century. The Sikh advance was, however, checked by the tribesmen who did not allow them to encroach upon their independence. The Pukhtoons fought several battles against them and finally measured their strength of arms with the militant Sikhs in a battle fought within the environs of Jamrud in 1837. In this pitched battle the Sikhs sustained heavy casualties. It was here that their famous General Hari Singh Nalwa, was killed.

Twelve years later the superior and disciplined forces of the British defeated the Sikhs in successive battles and annexed the whole of the territory beyond the Indus river and ruled over the North West Frontier for about a century.

The Pukhtoons resisted violently all attempts by the British to subjugate or turn them into docile and obedient members of an enslaved community. They offered stubborn resistance to the British forces and Inspite of their meager means and resources, the Pukhtoons carried on an un-ending war against them for the preservation of their liberty. The British, proud of their glory and might, sent about one hundred expeditions one after the other against the Pukhtoons to subdue them by force but they did not yield to the enemy's military might. According to Col. H.C. Wylly 62 military expeditions were despatched against the tribesmen between 1849-1908, besides every day small skirmishes. These included the famous Ambela campaign 1863, the Black Mountain expedition 1868, the Miranzai expedition 1891, the Hassanzai expedition 1894, the Dir and Chitral expedition 1895, the Tirah campaign 1897, and the Mahsud-Waziri expeditions 1897. As a result of this aggressive policy the whole frontier, from Malakand to Waziristan, flared up in revolt against the British in 1897.

The frontier rising of 1897 engaged about 98000 trained and well equipped British Indian forces in a grim struggle. According to Col. H.D. Hutchison, the approximate strength of the Tirah expeditionary force alone was "1010 British Officers, 10,882 British troops, 491 native officers, 22,123 native troops, 197 hospital Assistants, 179 clerks, 19,558 followers, 8000 horses, 18,384 mules and ponies and 1440 hospital riding ponies". But to these figures, he says, "must be added an enormous number of camels, carts, ponies etc working on the long line of communication with Kohat and gradually brought into use as needs increased and the roads were improved". The British forces suffered 1150 casualties during the Tirah expedition. Similar was the fate of other expeditions as well. The operations against Mohmand in 1915-16, and Wazirs and Mahsuds between 1917-1920 and 1936 Waziri campaign also deserves special mention. In 1917 an arduous campaign was undertaken against the Mahsuds and an aeroplane was made use of for the first time in Waziristan. In 1936 the dales and mountains of Waziristan resounded with the echoes of Jehad. The main cause of the war was the marriage of Islam Bibi (a Hindu Girl of Bannu who was named Islam Bibi after conversion to Islam) with a Muslim. She was later on returned to her parents in accordance with the decision of the British law court. The Government sent over 30,000 well equipped army to curb the activities of the tribal lashkars in Waziristan but it met with no or little success. "By December 1937", says Authur Swinson, "when the 40,000 British and Indian troops pulled back on Peshawar, the situation was no better than it had been in January, and in 1938 more fighting was to ensue." The expenditure on the Frontier war and "the burden on the Indian tax payer was enormous and between 1924 and 1939 it totalled 11,2000,000 pounds". But the long range heavy guns and air bombardment did not dishearten the tribesmen and they continued their intermittent struggle against an imperialist power till the dawn of Independence. "Throughout the hundred and odd years of the British rule over the North West Frontier, Waziristan was always one of the most heavily garrisoned areas anywhere in the world. Seething with political unrest and ceaseless guerilla warfare, this was the testing place - the crucible of valour and efficiency for generations of British soldiers, statesmen and civil servants". The British invariably deputed their ablest military and civil officers to serve in these areas which had become the best training ground for the British soldiers. In fact, the British soldiers had never before experienced such tough and arduous life as on the Frontier. This is well reflected from a stanza of Mr. Kipling's "Frontier Arithmetic"

"A scrimmage in a Border Station

A center down some dark defile,

Two thousand pounds of education

Drops to a ten rupee Jezail".

SOURCES OF INCOME:

The Pukhtoons are chiefly employed in agriculture but their agricultural pursuits are limited owing to the lack of culturable land. The patches of cultivable land in hilly tracts and some open valleys do not produce sufficient food-grains to meet their food requirements. In addition to tilling the available land, tribesmen tend cattle, including herds of goats and sheep, camels and cows.

If, on the one hand, the tribesmen were economically dependent on the British, on the other, all kinds of trade in tribal areas had been monopolized by Hindus and Sikhs. They had opened shops in the centrally located places and big villages and every tribesman was their customer. A large number of tribesmen would go to Bombay in search of employment while others would join the Border Military Police (later called the Frontier Constabulary) and the army. Certain sections of the tribesmen would sell firewood and timber to the people of the cities, while others took up some other petty trade. But among the tribesmen, the Adam Khel Afridis of the Kohat Pass had a flare for trade. They were traders and carriers of salt at the time of the advent of the British in the frontier. They used to carry salt from the mines of Kohat District to Swat, Bajaur and other parts of the NWFP.

They also engaged themselves in a thriving and lucrative arms trade and later started manufacturing fire-arms in their factories. Other tribesmen emulated their example and set up arms factories at Illam Gudar (Khyber Agency), Nawagai (Bajaur Agency) and Kaniguram (South Waziristan Agency). The Adam Khel Afridis of the Kohat Pass showed the most extraordinary ingenuity in devising, making and installing different kinds of indigenous machines for turning out various component parts of rifles. In the beginning of the 20th century there were about half a dozen workshops in Darra but later this industry rapidly expanded to every glen and village. They were also famous gun runners and carried on arms trade with the Persian Gulf countries. In this way they supplemented the arms pile of the tribesmen and furnished them with the latest weapons at reasonable rates. At present the Adam Khel Afridis are producing such fine specimen of revolvers, pistols and rifles with their crude implements that they can hardly be distinguished from those of European-make. It can be confidently said that nowhere in the world has a similar feat been performed by un-educated men with no training or experience of mass production methods. The arms manufacturing industry was the main source of the Afridis' income during the British rule.


PAKHTUN'S DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS:

HUJRA: The Hujra which represents the sociable character of the Pukhtoons is a useful institution and it plays a pivotal role in their daily life. It serves as a club, "dormitory, guest house and a place for ritual and feastings". It is a centre for social activities as well as a Council Hall for the settlement of family and inter-tribal disputes. It is used as a male dormitory where bachelors of the village sleep. It is a guest house where guests are jointly entertained by village folk and a community centre for betrothals, marriages and social functions. Even condolences are offered in the Hujra on the demise of a person and here sympathy is expressed with the bereaved family. It is a place of public resort where village elders and youngsters get-together in their leisure hours to discuss tribal, national and international affairs and matters of mutual interest. "The guests and strangers are fed and sheltered free of all charges in the village Hujras".

The Hujra and Jirga are inter related. It is not only a meeting place of the villagers but it is also used as a platform for the Jirga's meetings where important decisions are made and family quarrels and tribal disputes are amicably resolved. In some places the Hujra happens to be the property of one man but in tribal areas it is a common property. Hujra, hubble bubble (Cheelam) and Rabab (String instrument) and an earthen pitcher are inseparable and are considered its part and parcel. Though the hubble bubble still retains its old place yet the music of Rabab with the accompaniment of the pitcher is vanishing and their place is being taken up by radio, transistor and television sets.

The Hujras are generally well fortified. They have one or two towers with a loopholed parapet for the purpose of defence of the village and firing down and along the wall in case of an outbreak of hostilities. The youngsters of the village in general and bachelors in particular sleep in the Hujra to guard the village in case of blood feuds. The Hujra usually consists of two or three rooms with adjacent veranda and a courtyard. A number of bedsteads or charpaees, pillows and quilts and praying rugs available in Hujra for the guests.

JIRGA: "A mass meeting of the elders of the whole of the Afridi tribe, for instance, would correspond very much to the old `Shiremote' of the Saxon heptarchy; and, indeed, there is more in the simile than one would expect at first glance, for the democratic spirit that is so characteristic a feature in the gradual growth of English customs finds its counterpart in the spirit of liberty and right of free action that is one of the most cherished prerogatives of the Pathan tribesmen, be he ever so humble".  (The Hon. Arnold Kepple).

Democracy is not alien to the genius of the Pukhtoons, as they are carrying on their typical and rudimentary form of government on democratic principles since times immemorial. A unique feature of tribal life is theJirga system, a council or assembly of tribal elders which closely resembles the Athenian democracy of the City States of ancient Greece. This participatory sort of democracy was practiced by the Pukhtoons long before Locke, Rouseau and other eminent philosophers expounded their theories about democracy.

Pukhtoonwali is the code of ethics of the Pukhtoons, the Jirga their Parliament or National Assembly and intrepidity and frankness an essential trait of their character. An atmosphere of equality pervades in tribal area and even a poor man dressed in rags considers himself equal to his adversary or his rich compatriot. This spirit is well reflected in their Jirga system, which, like the ancient Greek democratic institutions signifies their love for democracy.

The Jirga of today also plays an important and constructive role in solving the tribal matters. It is an authority for settling disputes and dispensing even-handed justice to all and sundry irrespective of their social status, influence and wealth. All matters including the question of peace and war within tribal limits, fall within the purview of the Jirga. It consists of the leading Maliks and tribal elders. There are no hard and fast rules for the selection of Jirga members. All tribal elders Speen Geeri or (grey-beards) are considered eligible for its membership and each one of them has a right to speak and freely express his opinion. However, Jirgasgenerally consist of persons known for their honesty and integrity. The Jirga exercises both executive and judicial roles and settles all disputes pertaining to the distribution of land, property, blood feuds, blood money and other important inter-tribal affairs on the basis of tribal conventions, traditions and principles of justice. It performs judicial functions while settling a dispute and discharges police functions when a threat to peace and tranquility or danger to the life and property exists within tribal limits.

The Jirga usually deals with inter-tribal affairs and serves as an instrument for dispensing speedy and cheap justice. After careful consideration, the Jirga decides the disputes on the basis of available evidence.

The Jirga assembles in a Hujra or a village mosque or in an open field outside the village under a shady tree. The Jirga members usually sit in a circle without any presiding officer. This Round Table Conference like a meeting without a chairman clearly reflects their love of democracy and principle of equality irrespective of birth, wealth etc.

The Jirga conducts its proceedings in a simple manner. It interviews both the parties, gives them a patient hearing and examines witnesses to ascertain the facts of the case. After searching enquiries, the Jirga makes every possible endeavour to find an impartial and acceptable solution of the problem. The Jirga's decision is generally based on Shariat, local traditions, justice and fair-play. In serious cases the Jirga asks a party to clear itself of the imputed charge by an oath on the Holy Quran. This seals the issue once for all, as the religion is an extremely strong a force. It announces its decision only when the majority of its members reach an agreement. But Jirga members deem it prudent to obtain the consent of both the parties before making its verdict public. This practice is known as WAAK or IKHTIAR (Power of attorney). It is through the instrument of Waak or Ikhtiar that the Jirga commits both the parties to abide by its decision. The Waakalso gives a binding force or some sort of legal cover to the Jirga's verdict and it becomes incumbent upon the parties concerned to honour its verdict.

The Jirga reprimands the party which refuses to accept its award. In popular parlance this refusal to abide by the verdict of Jirga is called MAKH ARAWAL (lit, turning of face) or expression of disapproval over the party's behaviour. In such a case the Jirga also resorts to punitive measures for enforcement of its decision which includes fine in money and burning of the houses of the recalcitrant members. It is because of such stringent action that no one dares violate a Jirga's decision after customary approval in the form of Waak orIkhtiar. The Jirga does not interfere in small and petty family disputes until a formal request is made by a party to intercede on its behalf. Moreover in cases of grave concern and serious nature, the Jirga assembles on its own and persuades the parties concerned to submit to its award.

The Jirga meeting usually lasts for a day or two, but in some complicated cases, its deliberations are prolonged to three or four days. It remains, however, the utmost endeavour of the Jirga to settle the dispute amicably as early as possible.

It is also one of the functions of the Jirga to ensure law and order and lasting and durable peace in the area. Here the Jirga can be likened to the General Assembly of the United Nations. As all peace loving nations can become members of the General Assembly, similarly the Jirga is composed of such elders who have stainless characters and spotless records. As no decision is taken in the United Nations without a majority vote, likewise the majority opinion prevails in the Jirga. But here the similarity ends. The Jirga is more powerful as compared to the General Assembly. It can easily enforce its decisions through a tribal lashkar and the erring party or the dissident group is promptly punished.


PAKHTOON SPORTS:

 Intrepid and proud of their strength of arms, Pukhtoons are fond of field sports. In the early stage of his life, a child measures his strength with his compatriots in wrestling bouts called Parzawal. This is followed by other sports of a masculine nature. Later he goes on hunting excursions and finally slings a rifle for his own as well as his tribe's protection.

A detailed study is needed to give all the details of the various sports and games. A brief reference may, however, be made here to some of the important sports common all over the tribal area. These includeKabaddi, Gulli Danda, Larroo or Pat Patoney, Kowat Kannarry, Kissa Kali Kali, Angay, Gangar, Cheendro or Peeto, Eishtapa, Teeki, Karkhai, Maya or Joora and Katchna Gotey.

PARZAWAL

 Wrestling is the Pukhtoon's favourite pastime. A Pukhtoon boy makes his debut in wrestling and exhibits his skill and physical strength on the village playing field. This provides him with an opportunity to understand the spirit of competition and develop the qualities of tenacity, endurance and sportsmanship at an early stage of his life. 

KABADDI

 Kabaddi is a well-known game, not only in the tribal and settled areas of the NWFP but all over Pakistan. Two teams representing equal number of players, take part in this game. A straight line defining the limits of the contending teams is drawn. The game starts with an offensive launched by one of the players against the opponents by crossing the demarcated line. He thus throws an open challenge to his adversaries and makes inroads into their `territory' with words of Kabaddi, Kabaddi on his lips. He runs from one end to the other to touch or slap one of his opponents but at the same time he takes every precaution to avoid being caught. His rivals, on the other hand, tackle him cunningly. They allow him to penetrate deep into their `territory' with an obvious motive to dodge and finally seize him. If the attacker is caught before returning to the line of demarcation, he is considered beaten. If, however, he succeeds in touching one of his opponents and manages to return to his post safely, then the player so slapped or touched is considered out. After this one of the players of the other team launches a counter attack against his opponents. In this way the game progresses. Sometimes it lasts for two or three hours. 

GULLI DANDA (Tipcat)

 Gulli Danda which is played by two teams is akin to cricket. Like a batsman, one boy hits a short stick of about six inches long with pointed ends with the help of a bigger stick fielding team tries to catch the flying stick. The striker is out the moment one of the fielders catches it. But here the similarity ends between Cricket and Gulli Danda. There are no stumps, no wickets and wicket keeper and no ball in operation as is witnessed in cricket.

 LARROO OR PAT PATONAY:

 Larroo, a game of hide and seek, is common all over the tribal area. Any number of boys can take part in it. One of the boys entrusted with the task of catching other boys, shuts his eyes for a while near a wall or tree. Meanwhile, other boys hide themselves in the surrounding area. The boy opens his eyes with a go ahead signaling the form of Larroo and starts searching for other boys. He, however, keeps a vigilant eye on the movement of his fellow boys who, in turn, try to touch the spot where the boy had shut his eyes earlier. Any boy seized before reaching the post assumes the duty of catching others while the first boy is relieved of his duty.

 KWAT KANRRAY:

 It is an interesting game in which a few boys sit in a que while one boy remains outside the line. One of the boys sitting in a row conceals a little stone under his shirt and the boy standing outside the line tries to locate it after psychologically examining each boy by looking into his eyes or watching his behaviour. He keeps his hand on each boys' forehead turn by turn and asks the boy whose forehead is comparatively warmer than others to show his shirt. His deductions, through such a psychological analysis, frequently come out correct.

 KISSA KALI KALI:

 Kissa Kali Kali is a game in which sharpness of one's mind and general knowledge about the affairs of the village and put to test. One boy asks a question from others in the following manner "three sons and two daughters", which is the family? If they have a sound knowledge about the number of people living in different houses of the village, they are able to answer such questions immediately.

Another game which is called Mat Jangawal is played between two boys. They hold their left legs in one of their hands and hop about on one leg, trying to overset each other. Whosoever loosens his left leg or falls on the ground is considered beaten.

Karkhey, Maya, Kachna Gwotey and Teeki and marksmanship sports. Karkhey is a circle of about six inches diameter in which one or two walnuts are put by each of the participants. Each boy in his own turn hits the walnuts. Those whose marksmanship is accurate, always carry the day. Maya, Kachna Gwotey andTeeki are more or less similar to Karkhey.

Other sports like foot-ball, hockey, volley-ball, basket ball etc are also becoming popular among the school boys. Eshtape, Chendro or Peeto are favourite sports of the tribal girls.